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The ancient and popular doctrine of the Millennium was intimately connected with the second coming of Christ. As the works of
the creation had been finished in six days, their duration in their present state, according to a tradition which was attributed to the
prophet Elijah, was fixed to six thousand years. 61 By the same analogy it was inferred, that this long period of labor and
contention, which was now almost elapsed, 62 would be succeeded by a joyful Sabbath of a thousand years; and that Christ, with
the triumphant band of the saints and the elect who had escaped death, or who had been miraculously revived, would reign upon
earth till the time appointed for the last and general resurrection. So pleasing was this hope to the mind of believers, that the New
Jerusalem, the seat of this blissful kingdom, was quickly adorned with all the gayest colors of the imagination. A felicity consisting
only of pure and spiritual pleasure would have appeared too refined for its inhabitants, who were still supposed to possess their
human nature and senses. A garden of Eden, with the amusements of the pastoral life, was no longer suited to the advanced state
of society which prevailed under the Roman empire. A city was therefore erected of gold and precious stones, and a supernatural
plenty of corn and wine was bestowed on the adjacent territory; in the free enjoyment of whose spontaneous productions, the
happy and benevolent people was never to be restrained by any jealous laws of exclusive property. 63 The assurance of such a
Millennium was carefully inculcated by a succession of fathers from Justin Martyr, 64 and Irenaeus, who conversed with the
immediate disciples of the apostles, down to Lactantius, who was preceptor to the son of Constantine. 65 Though it might not be
universally received, it appears to have been the reigning sentiment of the orthodox believers; and it seems so well adapted to the
desires and apprehensions of mankind, that it must have contributed in a very considerable degree to the progress of the Christian
faith. But when the edifice of the church was almost completed, the temporary support was laid aside. The doctrine of Christ's
reign upon earth was at first treated as a profound allegory, was considered by degrees as a doubtful and useless opinion, and was
at length rejected as the absurd invention of heresy and fanaticism. 66 A mysterious prophecy, which still forms a part of the
sacred canon, but which was thought to favor the exploded sentiment, has very narrowly escaped the proscription of the church.
Footnote 61: See Burnet's Sacred Theory, part iii. c. 5. This tradition may be traced as high as the author of Epistle of
Barnabas, who wrote in the first century, and who seems to have been half a Jew. Note: In fact it is purely Jewish. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. ii. 8. Lightfoot's Works, 8vo. edit. vol. iii. p. 37. Bertholdt, Christologia Judaeorum ch. 38. - M.
Footnote 62: The primitive church of Antioch computed almost 6000 years from the creation of the world to the birth of Christ. Africanus, Lactantius, and the Greek church, have reduced that number to 5500, and Eusebius has contented himself with 5200
years. These calculations were formed on the Septuagint, which was universally received during the six first centuries. The
authority of the vulgate and of the Hebrew text has determined the moderns, Protestants as well as Catholics, to prefer a period of
about 4000 years; though, in the study of profane antiquity, they often find themselves straitened by those narrow limits.
Footnote 63: Most of these pictures were borrowed from a misrepresentation of Isaiah, Daniel, and the Apocalypse. One of the grossest images may be found in Irenaeus, (l. v. p. 455,) the disciple of Papias, who had seen the apostle St. John.
Footnote 64: See the second dialogue of Justin with Triphon, and the seventh book of Lactantius. It is unnecessary to allege all the intermediate fathers, as the fact is not disputed. Yet the curious reader may consult Daille de Uus Patrum, l. ii. c. 4.
Footnote 65: The testimony of Justin of his own faith and that of his orthodox brethren, in the doctrine of a Millennium, is
delivered in the clearest and most solemn manner, (Dialog. cum Tryphonte Jud. p. 177, 178, edit. Benedictin.) If in the beginning of
this important passage there is any thing like an inconsistency, we may impute it, as we think proper, either to the author or to his
Footnote 66: Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 223, tom. ii. p. 366, and Mosheim, p. 720; though the latter of these learned divines is not altogether candid on this occasion.
Footnote 67: In the council of Laodicea, (about the year 360,) the Apocalypse was tacitly excluded from the sacred canon, by the same churches of Asia to which it is addressed; and we may learn from the complaint of Sulpicius Severus, that their sentence
had been ratified by the greater number of Christians of his time. From what causes then is the Apocalypse at present so generally
received by the Greek, the Roman, and the Protestant churches? The following ones may be assigned. 1. The Greeks were
subdued by the authority of an impostor, who, in the sixth century, assumed the character of Dionysius the Areopagite. 2. A just
apprehension that the grammarians might become more important than the theologians, engaged the Council of Trent to fix the seal
of their infallibility on all the books of Scripture contained in the Latin Vulgate, in the number of which the Apocalypse was
fortunately included. (Fr. Paolo, Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l. ii.) 3. The advantage of turning those mysterious prophecies
against the See of Rome, inspired the Protestants with uncommon veneration for so useful an ally. See the ingenious and elegant
discourses of the present bishop of Litchfield on that unpromising subject.
Whilst the happiness and glory of a temporal reign were promised to the disciples of Christ, the most dreadful calamities were
denounced against an unbelieving world. The edification of a new Jerusalem was to advance by equal steps with the destruction of
the mystic Babylon; and as long as the emperors who reigned before Constantine persisted in the profession of idolatry, the epithet
of Babylon was applied to the city and to the empire of Rome. A regular series was prepared of all the moral and physical evils
which can afflict a flourishing nation; intestine discord, and the invasion of the fiercest barbarians from the unknown regions of the
North; pestilence and famine, comets and eclipses, earthquakes and inundation. 68 All these were only so many preparatory and
alarming signs of the great catastrophe of Rome, when the country of the Scipios and Caesars should be consumed by a flame
from Heaven, and the city of the seven hills, with her palaces, her temples, and her triumphal arches, should be buried in a vast
lake of fire and brimstone. It might, however, afford some consolation to Roman vanity, that the period of their empire would be
that of the world itself; which, as it had once perished by the element of water, was destined to experience a second and a speedy
destruction from the element of fire. In the opinion of a general conflagration, the faith of the Christian very happily coincided with
the tradition of the East, the philosophy of the Stoics, and the analogy of Nature; and even the country, which, from religious
motives, had been chosen for the origin and principal scene of the conflagration, was the best adapted for that purpose by natural
and physical causes; by its deep caverns, beds of sulfur, and numero is volcanoes, of which those of Aetna, of Vesuvius, and of
Lipari, exhibit a very imperfect representation. The calmest and most intrepid septic could not refuse to acknowledge that the
destruction of the present system of the world by fire, was in itself extremely probable. The Christian, who founded his belief
much less on the fallacious arguments of reason than on the authority of tradition and the interpretation of Scripture, expected it
with terror and confidence as a certain and approaching event; and as his mind was perpetually filled with the solemn idea, he
considered every disaster that happened to the empire as an infallible symptom of an expiring world. 69
Footnote 68: Lactantius (Institut. Divin. vii. 15, &c.) relates the dismal talk of futurity with great spirit and eloquence.
Note: Lactantius had a notion of a great Asiatic empire, which was previously to rise on the ruins of the Roman: quod Romanum
nomen animus dicere, sed dicam. quia futurum est) tolletur de terra, et impere. Asiam revertetur. - M.
Footnote 69: On this subject every reader of taste will be entertained with the third part of Burnet's Sacred Theory. He blends philosophy, Scripture, and tradition, into one magnificent system; in the description of which he displays a strength of fancy not
inferior to that of Milton himself.
The condemnation of the wisest and most virtuous of the Pagans, on account of their ignorance
or disbelief of the divine truth, seems to offend the reason and the humanity of the present age. 70 But the primitive church,
whose faith was of a much firmer consistence, delivered over, without hesitation, to eternal torture, the far greater part of the
human species. A charitable hope might perhaps be indulged in favor of Socrates, or some other sages of antiquity, who had
consulted the light of reason before that of the gospel had arisen. 71 But it was unanimously affirmed, that those who, since the
birth or the death of Christ, had obstinately persisted in the worship of the daemons, neither deserved nor could expect a pardon
from the irritated justice of the Deity. These rigid sentiments, which had been unknown to the ancient world, appear to have
infused a spirit of bitterness into a system of love and harmony. The ties of blood and friendship were frequently torn asunder by
the difference of religious faith; and the Christians, who, in this world, found themselves oppressed by the power of the Pagans,
were sometimes seduced by resentment and spiritual pride to delight in the prospect of their future triumph. "You are fond of
spectacles," exclaims the stern Tertullian; "expect the greatest of all spectacles, the last and eternal judgment of the universe. How
shall I admire, how laugh, how rejoice, how exult, when I behold so many proud monarchs, so many fancied gods, groaning in the
lowest abyss of darkness; so many magistrates, who persecuted the name of the Lord, liquefying in fiercer fires than they ever
kindled against the Christians; so many sage philosophers blushing in red-hot flames with their deluded scholars; so many
celebrated poets trembling before the tribunal, not of Minos, but of Christ; so many tragedians, more tuneful in the expression of
their own sufferings; so many dancers." * But the humanity of the reader will permit me to draw a veil over the rest of this
infernal description, which the zealous African pursues in a long variety of affected and unfeeling witticisms. 72 !
Footnote 70: And yet whatever may be the language of individuals, it is still the public doctrine of all the Christian churches; nor can even our own refuse to admit the conclusions which must be drawn from the viiith and the xviiith of her Articles. The Jansenists, who have
so diligently studied the works of the fathers, maintain this sentiment with distinguished zeal; and the learned M. de Tillemont never
dismisses a virtuous emperor without pronouncing his damnation. Zuinglius is perhaps the only leader of a party who has ever
adopted the milder sentiment, and he gave no less offence to the Lutherans than to the Catholics. See Bossuet, Histoire des
Variations des Eglises Protestantes, l. ii. c. 19 - 22.
Footnote 71: Justin and Clemens of Alexandria allow that some of the philosophers were instructed by the Logos; confounding its double signification of the human reason, and of the Divine Word.
Footnote *: This translation is not exact: the first sentence is
imperfect. Tertullian says, Ille dies nationibus insperatus, ille derisus, cum tanta sacculi vetustas et tot ejus nativitates uno igne
haurientur. The text does not authorize the exaggerated expressions, so many magistrates, so many sago philosophers, so many
poets, &c.; but simply magistrates, philosophers, poets.
Footnote 72: Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 30. In order to ascertain the degree of authority which the zealous African had acquired it may be sufficient to allege the testimony of Cyprian, the doctor and guide of all the western churches. (See Prudent. Hym. xiii.
100.) As often as he applied himself to his daily study of the writings of Tertullian, he was accustomed to say, "Da mihi magistrum,
Give me my master." (Hieronym. de Viris Illustribus, tom. i. p. 284.)
Footnote !: The object of Tertullian's vehemence in his Treatise, was to keep the Christians away from the secular games
celebrated by the Emperor Severus: It has not prevented him from showing himself in other places full of benevolence and charity
towards unbelievers: the spirit of the gospel has sometimes prevailed over the violence of human passions: Qui ergo putaveris nihil
nos de salute Caesaris curare (he says in his Apology) inspice Dei voces, literas nostras. Scitote ex illis praeceptum esse nobis ad
redudantionem, benignitates etiam pro inimicis Deum orare, et pro persecutoribus cona precari. Sed etiam nominatim atque
manifeste orate inquit (Christus) pro regibus et pro principibus et potestatibus ut omnia sint tranquilla vobis Tert. Apol. c. 31.
Doubtless there were many among the primitive Christians of a temper more suitable to the meekness and charity of their
profession. There were many who felt a sincere compassion for the danger of their friends and countrymen, and who exerted the
most benevolent zeal to save them from the impending destruction. The careless Polytheist, assailed by new and unexpected terrors, against which neither his priests nor his philosophers could afford him any certain protection, was very frequently terrified and subdued by the menace of eternal tortures. His fears might assist the progress of his faith and reason; and if he could once persuade himself to suspect that the Christian religion might possibly be true, it became an easy task to convince him that it was the safest and most prudent party that he could possibly embrace.
III. The supernatural gifts, which even in this life were ascribed to the Christians above the rest of mankind, must have conduced
to their own comfort, and very frequently to the conviction of infidels. Besides the occasional prodigies, which might sometimes be
effected by the immediate interposition of the Deity when he suspended the laws of Nature for the service of religion, the
Christian church, from the time of the apostles and their first disciples, 73 has claimed an uninterrupted succession of miraculous
powers, the gift of tongues, of vision, and of prophecy, the power of expelling daemons, of healing the sick, and of raising the dead.
The knowledge of foreign languages was frequently communicated to the contemporaries of Irenaeus, though Irenaeus himself
was left to struggle with the difficulties of a barbarous dialect, whilst he preached the gospel to the natives of Gaul. 74 The divine
inspiration, whether it was conveyed in the form of a waking or of a sleeping vision, is described as a favor very liberally bestowed
on all ranks of the faithful, on women as on elders, on boys as well as upon bishops. When their devout minds were sufficiently
prepared by a course of prayer, of fasting, and of vigils, to receive the extraordinary impulse, they were transported out of their
senses, and delivered in ecstasy what was inspired, being mere organs of the Holy Spirit, just as a pipe or flute is of him who
blows into it. 75 We may add, that the design of these visions was, for the most part, either to disclose the future history, or to
guide the present administration, of the church. The expulsion of the daemons from the bodies of those unhappy persons whom
they had been permitted to torment, was considered as a signal though ordinary triumph of religion, and is repeatedly alleged by the
ancient apologists, as the most convincing evidence of the truth of Christianity. The awful ceremony was usually performed in a
public manner, and in the presence of a great number of spectators; the patient was relieved by the power or skill of the exorcist,
and the vanquished daemon was heard to confess that he was one of the fabled gods of antiquity, who had impiously usurped the
adoration of mankind. 76 But the miraculous cure of diseases of the most inveterate or even preternatural kind, can no longer
occasion any surprise, when we recollect, that in the days of Iranaeus, about the end of the second century, the resurrection of the
dead was very far from being esteemed an uncommon event; that the miracle was frequently performed on necessary occasions,
by great fasting and the joint supplication of the church of the place, and that the persons thus restored to their prayers had lived
afterwards among them many years. 77 At such a period, when faith could boast of so many wonderful victories over death, it
seems difficult to account for the skepticism of those philosophers, who still rejected and derided the doctrine of the resurrection.
A noble Grecian had rested on this important ground the whole controversy, and promised Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, that if he
could be gratified with the sight of a single person who had been actually raised from the dead, he would immediately embrace the
Christian religion. It is somewhat remarkable, that the prelate of the first eastern church, however anxious for the conversion of
his friend, thought proper to decline this fair and reasonable challenge. 78
Footnote 73: Notwithstanding the evasions of Dr. Middleton, it is impossible to overlook the clear traces of visions and inspiration, which may be found in the apostolic fathers.
Footnote 74: Irenaeus adv. Haeres.
Proem. p.3 Dr. Middleton (Free Inquiry, p. 96, &c.) observes, that as this pretension of all others was the most difficult to support
by art, it was the soonest given up. The observation suits his hypothesis. Except in the life of Pachomius, an Egyptian monk of the fourth century. (see Jortin, Ecc. Hist. i. p. 368, edit. 1805,) and the latter (not earlier) lives of Xavier, there is no claim laid to the gift of tongues since the time of Irenaeus; and of this claim, Xavier's own letters are profoundly silent.
Footnote 75: Athenagoras in Legatione. Justin Martyr, Cohort. ad Gentes Tertullian advers. Marcionit. l. iv. These descriptions
are not very unlike the prophetic fury, for which Cicero (de Divinat.ii. 54) expresses so little reverence.
Footnote 76: Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) throws out a bold defiance to the Pagan magistrates. Of the primitive miracles, the power of exorcising is the only one which has been assumed by Protestants.
Footnote 77: Irenaeus adv. Haereses, l. ii. 56, 57, l. v. c. 6. Mr. Dodwell (Dissertat. ad Irenaeum, ii. 42) concludes, that the
second century was still more fertile in miracles than the first.
Footnote 78: Theophilus ad Autolycum, l. i. p. 345. Edit. Benedictin. Paris, 1742.
The miracles of the primitive church, after obtaining the sanction of ages, have been lately attacked in a very free and ingenious
inquiry, 79 which, though it has met with the most favorable reception from the public, appears to have excited a general scandal
among the divines of our own as well as of the other Protestant churches of Europe. 80 Our different sentiments on this subject
will be much less influenced by any particular arguments, than by our habits of study and reflection; and, above all, by the degree
of evidence which we have accustomed ourselves to require for the proof of a miraculous event. The duty of an historian does not
call upon him to interpose his private judgment in this nice and important controversy; but he ought not to dissemble the difficulty of
adopting such a theory as may reconcile the interest of religion with that of reason, of making a proper application of that theory,
and of defining with precision the limits of that happy period, exempt from error and from deceit, to which we might be disposed to
extend the gift of supernatural powers. From the first of the fathers to the last of the popes, a succession of bishops, of saints, of
martyrs, and of miracles, is continued without interruption; and the progress of superstition was so gradual, and almost
imperceptible, that we know not in what particular link we should break the chain of tradition. Every age bears testimony to the
wonderful events by which it was distinguished, and its testimony appears no less weighty and respectable than that of the
preceding generation, till we are insensibly led on to accuse our own inconsistency, if in the eighth or in the twelfth century we
deny to the venerable Bede, or to the holy Bernard, the same degree of confidence which, in the second century, we had so
liberally granted to Justin or to Irenaeus. 81 If the truth of any of those miracles is appreciated by their apparent use and
propriety, every age had unbelievers to convince, heretics to confute, and idolatrous nations to convert; and sufficient motives
might always be produced to justify the interposition of Heaven. And yet, since every friend to revelation is persuaded of the
reality, and every reasonable man is convinced of the cessation, of miraculous powers, it is evident that there must have been
some period in which they were either suddenly or gradually withdrawn from the Christian church. Whatever era is chosen for
that purpose, the death of the apostles, the conversion of the Roman empire, or the extinction of the Arian heresy, 82 the
insensibility of the Christians who lived at that time will equally afford a just matter of surprise. They still supported their
pretensions after they had lost their power. Credulity performed the office of faith; fanaticism was permitted to assume the
language of inspiration, and the effects of accident or contrivance were ascribed to supernatural causes. The recent experience of
genuine miracles should have instructed the Christian world in the ways of Providence, and habituated their eye (if we may use a
very inadequate expression) to the style of the divine artist. Should the most skilful painter of modern Italy presume to decorate his
feeble imitations with the name of Raphael or of Correggio, the insolent fraud would be soon discovered, and indignantly rejected.
Footnote 79: Dr. Middleton sent out his Introduction in the year 1747, published his Free Inquiry in 1749, and before his death,
which happened in 1750, he had prepared a vindication of it against his numerous adversaries.
Footnote 80: The university of
Oxford conferred degrees on his opponents. From the indignation of Mosheim, (p. 221,) we may discover the sentiments of the
Footnote 81: It may seem somewhat remarkable, that Bernard of Clairvaux, who records so many miracles of his
friend St. Malachi, never takes any notice of his own, which, in their turn, however, are carefully related by his companions and
disciples. In the long series of ecclesiastical history, does there exist a single instance of a saint asserting that he himself possessed
the gift of miracles?
Footnote 82: The conversion of Constantine is the era which is most usually fixed by Protestants. The more rational divines are
unwilling to admit the miracles of the ivth, whilst the more credulous are unwilling to reject those of the vth century.
Whatever opinion may be entertained of the miracles of the primitive church since the time of the apostles, this unresisting
softness of temper, so conspicuous among the believers of the second and third centuries, proved of some accidental benefit to the
cause of truth and religion. In modern times, a latent and even involuntary skepticism adheres to the most pious dispositions. Their
admission of supernatural truths is much less an active consent than a cold and passive acquiescence. Accustomed long since to
observe and to respect the variable order of Nature, our reason, or at least our imagination, is not sufficiently prepared to sustain
the visible action of the Deity.
But, in the first ages of Christianity, the situation of mankind was extremely different. The most curious, or the most credulous,
among the Pagans, were often persuaded to enter into a society which asserted an actual claim of miraculous powers. The
primitive Christians perpetually trod on mystic ground, and their minds were exercised by the habits of believing the most
extraordinary events. They felt, or they fancied, that on every side they were incessantly assaulted by daemons, comforted by
visions, instructed by prophecy, and surprisingly delivered from danger, sickness, and from death itself, by the supplications of the
church. The real or imaginary prodigies, of which they so frequently conceived themselves to be the objects, the instruments, or
the spectators, very happily disposed them to adopt with the same ease, but with far greater justice, the authentic wonders of the
evangelic history; and thus miracles that exceeded not the measure of their own experience, inspired them with the most lively
assurance of mysteries which were acknowledged to surpass the limits of their understanding. It is this deep impression of
supernatural truths, which has been so much celebrated under the name of faith; a state of mind described as the surest pledge of
the divine favor and of future felicity, and recommended as the first, or perhaps the only merit of a Christian. According to the
more rigid doctors, the moral virtues, which may be equally practiced by infidels, are destitute of any value or efficacy in the work
of our justification.
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To cite original text:
Gibbon, Edward, 1737-1794. The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 1st ed. (London : Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1776-1788.), pp. 471-479.