Peoples, in their constant efforts for the triumph of the ideal of
liberty and
justice, are forced, at precise historical moments, to make their greatest sacrifices.
Our beloved country has reached one of those moments. A force of
tyranny which we
Mexicans were not accustomed to
suffer after we won our independence oppresses us in such a manner that it has become
intolerable. In exchange for that
tyranny we are offered
peace, but
peace full of shame for the
Mexican nation, because its basis is not
law, but force; because its object is not the aggrandizement and
prosperity of the country, but to enrich a small group who, abusing their influence, have converted the public charges into fountains of exclusively personal benefit, unscrupulously exploiting the manner of lucrative concessions and contracts.
The legislative and judicial powers are completely subordinated to the executive; the division of powers, the sovereignty of the States, the liberty of the common councils, and the rights of the citizens exist only in writing in our great charter; but, as a fact, it may almost be said that martial law constantly exists in
México; the administration of
justice, instead of imparting
protection to the weak, merely serves to legalize the plunderings committed by the strong; the judges instead of being the representatives of
justice, are the agents of the executive, whose interests they faithfully serve; the chambers of the union have no other will than that of the
dictator; the governors of the States are designated by him and they in their turn designate and impose in like manner the municipal authorities.
From this it results that the whole administrative, judicial, and legislative machinery obeys a single will, the caprice of General
Porfirio Díaz, who during his long administration has shown that the principal motive that guides him is to maintain himself in power and at any cost.
For many years profound discontent has been felt throughout the
Republic, due to such a system of government, but General
Díaz with great cunning and perseverance, has succeeded in annihilating all independent elements, so that it was not possible to organize any sort of
movement to take from him the power of which he made such bad use. The
evil constantly became worse, and the decided eagerness of General
Díaz to impose a successor upon the nations in the person of Mr. Ramon Corral carried that
evil to its limit and caused many of us
Mexicans, although lacking recognized political standing, since it had been impossible to acquire it during the 36 years of dictatorship, to throw ourselves into the struggle to recover the sovereignty of the people and their rights on purely democratic grounds....
In
México, as a
democratic Republic, the public power can have no other origin nor other basis than the will of the people, and the latter can not be subordinated to formulas to be executed in a fraudulent manner. . . ,
For this reason the
Mexican people have protested against the illegality of the last
election and, desiring to use successively all the recourses offered by the laws of the
Republic, in due form asked for the nullification of the
election by the Chamber of Deputies, notwithstanding they recognized no legal origin in said body and knew beforehand that, as its members were not the representatives of the people, they would carry out the will of General
Díaz, to whom exclusively they owe their investiture.
In such a state of affairs the people, who are the only sovereign, also protested energetically against the
election in imposing manifestations in different parts of the
Republic; and if the latter were not general throughout the national territory, It was due to the terrible pressure exercised by the Government, which always quenches in blood any democratic manifestation, as happened in
Puebla, Vera Cruz, Tlaxcala, and in other places.
But this
violent and
illegal system can no longer subsist.
I have very well realized that if the people have designated me as their candidate for the Presidency, it is not because they have had an opportunity to discover in me the qualities of a statesman or of a ruler, but the virility of the patriot determined to sacrifice himself, if need be, to obtain
liberty and to help the people free themselves from the odious
tyranny that oppresses them.
From the moment I threw myself into the democratic struggle I very well knew that General
Díaz would not bow to the will of the nation, and the
noble Mexican people, in following me to the polls, also knew perfectly the outrage that awaited them; but in spite of it, the people gave the cause of liberty a numerous contingent of martyrs when they were necessary and with wonderful stoicism went to the polls and received every sort of
molestation.
But such conduct was indispensable to show to the whole world that the
Mexican people are fit for
democracy, that they are thirsty for
liberty, and that their present rulers do not measure up to their aspirations.
Besides, the attitude of the people before and during the
election, as well as afterwards, shows clearly that they reject with energy the Government of General
Díaz and that, if those electoral rights had been respected, I would have been elected for
President of the
Republic.
Therefore, and in echo of the national will, I declare the late
election illegal and, the
Republic being accordingly without rulers, provisionally assume the Presidency of the
Republic until the people designate their rulers pursuant to the
law. In order to attain this end, it is necessary to eject from power the audacious usurpers whose only title of legality involves a scandalous and immoral
fraud.
With all honesty I declare that it would be a weakness on my part and treason to the people, who have placed their confidence in me, not to put myself at the front of my fellow citizens, who anxiously call me from all parts of the country, to compel General
Díaz by force of arms, to respect the national will.
Source: United States Congress, Senate Subcommittee on Foreign Relations, Revolutions in Mexico, 62nd Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1913), pp. 730-736, passim.