Return to State Of Germany Until The Barbarians IV (thing)

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The same [ignorance], which renders barbarians incapable of conceiving or embracing the useful restraints of laws, exposes them naked and unarmed to the blind terrors of [superstition]. The German priests, improving this favorable [temper] of their countrymen, had assumed a [jurisdiction] even in [temporal] concerns, which the [magistrate] could not venture to exercise; and the haughty warrior patiently submitted to the [lash] of correction, when it was inflicted, not by any human power, but by the immediate order of the god of war. 64 The defects of civil policy were sometimes supplied by the interposition of [ecclesiastical] [authority]. The latter was constantly exerted to maintain [silence] and [decency] in the popular assemblies; and was sometimes extended to a more enlarged concern for the national welfare. A [solemn] [procession] was occasionally celebrated in the present countries of [Mecklenburgh] and [Pomerania]. The unknown symbol of the [Earth], covered with a thick veil, was placed on a carriage drawn by cows; and in this manner the goddess, whose common residence was in the Isles of [Rugen], visited several adjacent tribes of her worshippers. During her progress the sound of war was hushed, quarrels were suspended, arms laid aside, and the restless Germans had an opportunity of tasting the blessings of [peace] and [harmony]. 65 The truce of God, so often and so ineffectually proclaimed by the [clergy] of the eleventh century, was an obvious imitation of this ancient custom. 66
Footnote 64: Tacit. Germania, c. 7.
Footnote 65: Tacit. Germania, c. 40.
Footnote 66: See Dr. Robertson's History of Charles V. vol. i. note 10.
But the influence of [religion] was far more powerful to inflame, than to moderate, the fierce passions of the Germans. Interest and fanaticism often prompted its ministers to sanctify the most daring and the most unjust enterprises, by the approbation of [Heaven], and full assurances of success. The consecrated standards, long revered in the groves of superstition, were placed in the front of the battle; 67 and the hostile army was devoted with dire execrations to the gods of [war] and of [thunder]. 68 In the faith of soldiers (and such were the Germans) cowardice is the most unpardonable of sins. A brave man was the worthy favorite of their martial deities; the wretch who had lost his shield was alike banished from the religious and civil assemblies of his countrymen. Some tribes of the north seem to have embraced the doctrine of [transmigration], 69 others imagined a gross paradise of immortal drunkenness. 70 All agreed, that a life spent in arms, and a glorious death in battle, were the best preparations for a happy futurity, either in this or in [another world].
Footnote 67: Tacit. Germania, c. 7. These standards were only the heads of wild beasts.
Footnote 68: See an instance of this custom, Tacit. Annal. xiii. 57.
Footnote 69: Caesar Diodorus, and Lucan, seem to ascribe this doctrine to the Gauls, but M. Pelloutier (Histoire des Celtes, l. iii. c. 18) labors to reduce their expressions to a more orthodox sense.
Footnote 70: Concerning this gross but alluring doctrine of the Edda, see Fable xx. in the curious version of that book, published by M. Mallet, in his Introduction to the History of [Denmark].
The immortality so vainly promised by the priests, was, in some degree, conferred by the bards. That singular order of men has most deservedly attracted the notice of all who have attempted to investigate the antiquities of the [Celts], the Scandinavians, and the Germans. Their genius and character, as well as the reverence paid to that important office, have been sufficiently illustrated. But we cannot so easily express, or even conceive, the enthusiasm of arms and glory which they kindled in the breast of their audience. Among a polished people, a taste for [poetry] is rather an amusement of the fancy, than a passion of the soul. And yet, when in calm retirement we peruse the combats described by [Homer] or [Tasso], we are insensibly seduced by the fiction, and feel a momentary glow of martial ardor. But how faint, how cold is the sensation which a peaceful mind can receive from solitary [study]! It was in the hour of [battle], or in the feast of victory, that the bards celebrated the glory of the heroes of ancient days, the ancestors of those [warlike] chieftains, who listened with transport to their artless but animated strains. The view of arms and of danger heightened the effect of the military song; and the passions which it tended to excite, the desire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the [habitual] sentiments of a German mind. 71 *
Footnote 71: See Tacit. Germ. c. 3. Diod. Sicul. l. v. Strabo, l. iv. p. 197. The classical reader may remember the rank of [Demodocus] in the Phaeacian court, and the ardor infused by [Tyrtaeus] into the fainting [Spartans]. Yet there is little probability that the Greeks and the Germans were the same people. Much learned trifling might be spared, if our antiquarians would condescend to reflect, that similar manners will naturally be produced by similar situations.
Footnote *: Besides these battle songs, the Germans sang at their festival banquets, (Tac. Ann. i. 65,) and around the bodies of their slain heroes. King [Theodoric], of the tribe of the [Goths], killed in a battle against [Attila], was honored by songs while he was borne from the field of battle. Jornandes, c. 41. The same honor was paid to the remains of [Attila]. Ibid. c. 49. According to some historians, the Germans had songs also at their weddings; but this appears to me inconsistent with their customs, in which marriage was no more than the purchase of a wife. Besides, there is but one instance of this, that of the [Gothic] [king], [Ataulph], who sang himself the nuptial hymn when he espoused [Placidia], sister of the emperors [Arcadius] and [Honorius], (Olympiodor. p. 8.) But this marriage was celebrated according to the Roman rites, of which the nuptial songs formed a part. Adelung, p. 382. - G. [Charlemagne] is said to have collected the national songs of the ancient Germans. Eginhard, Vit. Car. Mag. - M.
Such was the situation, and such were the manners of the ancient Germans. Their climate, their want of learning, of arts, and of laws, their notions of honor, of gallantry, and of [religion], their sense of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirst of enterprise, all contributed to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find, that during more than two hundred and fifty years that elapsed from the defeat of [Varus] to the reign of [Decius], these formidable barbarians made few considerable attempts, and not any material impression on the [luxurious] and enslaved provinces of the empire. Their progress was checked by their want of arms and discipline, and their fury was diverted by the intestine divisions of ancient Germany. I. It has been observed, with [ingenuity], and not without truth, that the command of iron soon gives a nation the command of gold. But the rude tribes of Germany, alike destitute of both those valuable metals, were reduced slowly to acquire, by their unassisted strength, the possession of the one as well as the other. The face of a German army displayed their poverty of iron. [Sword], and the longer kind of [lance], they could seldom use. Their frameoe (as they called them in their own language) were long spears headed with a sharp but narrow iron point, and which, as occasion required, they either darted from a distance, or pushed in close onset. With this spear, and with a shield, their cavalry was contented. A multitude of darts, scattered 72 with incredible force, were an additional resource of the [infantry]. Their military dress, when they wore any, was nothing more than a loose [mantle]. A variety of colors was the only ornament of their wooden or osier shields. Few of the chiefs were distinguished by cuirasses, scarcely any by helmets. Though the horses of Germany were neither beautiful, swift, nor practiced in the skilful evolutions of the Roman manege, several of the nations obtained renown by their [cavalry]; but, in general, the principal strength of the Germans consisted in their infantry, 73 which was drawn up in several deep columns, according to the distinction of tribes and families. Impatient of fatigue and delay, these half-armed warriors rushed to battle with [dissonant] shouts and disordered ranks; and sometimes, by the effort of native valor, prevailed over the constrained and more artificial [bravery] of the Roman mercenaries. But as the barbarians poured forth their whole souls on the first onset, they knew not how to rally or to retire. A repulse was a sure defeat; and a defeat was most commonly total destruction. When we recollect the complete [armor] of the Roman soldiers, their discipline, exercises, evolutions, fortified camps, and military engines, it appears a just matter of surprise, how the naked and unassisted valor of the barbarians could dare to encounter, in the field, the strength of the [legion], and the various troops of the auxiliaries, which seconded their operations. The contest was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had enervated the vigor, and a spirit of [disobedience] and sedition had relaxed the discipline, of the Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian auxiliaries into those armies, was a measure attended with very obvious dangers, as it might gradually instruct the Germans in the arts of war and of policy. Although they were admitted in small numbers and with the strictest precaution, the example of [Civilis] was proper to convince the Romans, that the danger was not imaginary, and that their precautions were not always sufficient. 74 During the civil wars that followed the death of Nero, that artful and intrepid [Batavian], whom his enemies condescended to compare with [Hannibal] and [Sertorius], 75 formed a great design of freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts renowned in the wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his standard. He introduced an army of Germans into [Gaul], prevailed on the powerful cities of [Treves] and [Langres] to embrace his cause, defeated the legions, destroyed their fortified camps, and employed against the Romans the military knowledge which he had acquired in their service. When at length, after an obstinate struggle, he yielded to the power of the empire, [Civilis] secured himself and his country by an honorable treaty. The [Batavian]s still continued to occupy the islands of the Rhine, 76 the allies, not the servants, of the Roman monarchy.
Footnote 72: Missilia spargunt, Tacit. Germ. c. 6. Either that historian used a vague expression, or he meant that they were thrown at random.
Footnote 73: It was their principal distinction from the Sarmatians, who generally fought on horseback.
Footnote 74: The relation of this [enterprise] occupies a great part of the fourth and fifth books of the History of Tacitus, and is more remarkable for its eloquence than [perspicuity]. Sir Henry Saville has observed several inaccuracies.
Footnote 75: Tacit. Hist. iv. 13. [You're not going to be happy until you put someone's eye out |Like them he had lost an eye.]
Footnote 76: It was contained between the two branches of the old Rhine, as they subsisted before the face of the country was changed by art and nature. See Cluver German. Antiq. l. iii. c. 30, 37.
II. The strength of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we consider the effects that might have been produced by its united effort. The wide extent of country might very possibly contain a million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms were of a temper to use them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of concerting or executing any plan of national greatness, was agitated by various and often hostile intentions. Germany was divided into more than forty independent states; and, even in each state, the union of the several tribes was extremely loose and precarious. The barbarians were easily provoked; they knew not how to forgive an injury, much less an insult; their resentments were [bloody] and implacable. The casual disputes that so frequently happened in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were sufficient to inflame the minds of whole nations; the private feuds of any considerable chieftains diffused itself among their followers and allies. To chastise the insolent, or to plunder the [defenseless], were alike causes of war. The most formidable states of Germany affected to encompass their territories with a wide frontier of solitude and devastation. The awful distance preserved by their neighbors attested the [terror] of their arms, and in some measure defended them from the danger of unexpected incursions. 77
Footnote 77: Caesar de Bell. Gal. l. vi. 23.
"The Bructeri * (it is Tacitus who now speaks) were totally exterminated by the neighboring tribes, 78 provoked by their insolence, allured by the hopes of spoil, and perhaps inspired by the tutelar deities of the empire. Above sixty thousand barbarians were destroyed; not by the Roman arms, but in our sight, and for our entertainment. May the nations, enemies of Rome, ever preserve this [enmity] to each other! We have now attained the utmost verge of [prosperity], 79 and have nothing left to demand of [fortune], except the discord of the barbarians." 80 - These sentiments, less worthy of the humanity than of the [patriotism] of Tacitus, express the invariable maxims of the policy of his countrymen. They deemed it a much safer expedient to divide than to [combat] the barbarians, from whose defeat they could derive neither honor nor advantage. The money and negotiations of Rome insinuated themselves into the heart of Germany; and every art of [seduction] was used with [dignity], to conciliate those nations whom their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the most useful friends as well as the most troublesome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered by the most trifling presents, which they received either as marks of distinction, or as the instruments of [luxury]. In civil dissensions the weaker faction endeavored to strengthen its interest by entering into secret connections with the governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Germans was fomented by the intrigues of Rome; and every plan of union and public good was defeated by the stronger bias of private jealousy and interest. 81
Footnote *: The Bructeri were a non-Suevian tribe, who dwelt below the duchies of Oldenburgh, and Lauenburgh, on the borders of the [Lippe], and in the Hartz Mountains. It was among them that the priestess Velleda obtained her renown. - G.
Footnote 78: They are mentioned, however, in the ivth and vth centuries by Nazarius, Ammianus, Claudian, &c., as a tribe of [Franks]. See Cluver. Germ. Antiq. l. iii. c. 13.
Footnote 79: Urgentibus is the common reading; but good sense, Lipsius, and some Mss. declare for Vergentibus.
Footnote 80: Tacit [Germania], c. 33. The pious Abbe de la Bleterie is very angry with Tacitus, talks of the [devi]l, who was a murderer from the beginning, &c., &c.
Footnote 81: Many traces of this policy may be discovered in Tacitus and Dion: and many more may be inferred from the principles of human nature.
The general [conspiracy] which terrified the Romans under the reign of [Marcus Antoninus], comprehended almost all the nations of Germany, and even [Sarmatia], from the mouth of the Rhine to that of the Danube. 82 It is impossible for us to determine whether this hasty confederation was formed by necessity, by reason, or by passion; but we may rest assured, that the barbarians were neither allured by the indolence, nor provoked by the ambition, of the Roman monarch. This dangerous invasion required all the firmness and [vigilance] of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the several stations of attack, and assumed in person the conduct of the most important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and doubtful conflict, the spirit of the barbarians was subdued. The [Quadi] and the Marcomanni, 83 who had taken the lead in the war, were the most severely punished in its catastrophe. They were commanded to retire five miles 84 from their own banks of the Danube, and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately sent into [Britain], a remote island, where they might be secure as [hostage]s, and useful as soldiers. 85 On the frequent rebellions of the Quadi and Marcomanni, the irritated emperor resolved to reduce their country into the form of a province. His designs were disappointed by death. This formidable league, however, the only one that appears in the two first centuries of the [Imperial] history, was entirely dissipated, without leaving any traces behind in Germany.
Footnote 82: Hist. Aug. p. 31. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xxxi. c. 5. Aurel. Victor. The emperor [Marcus] was reduced to sell the rich furniture of the palace, and to enlist slaves and robbers.
Footnote 83: The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from the banks of the Rhine occupied [Bohemia] and [Moravia], had once erected a great and formidable monarchy under their king Maroboduus. See Strabo, l. vii. Note: The Mark-manaen, the March-men or borderers. There seems little doubt that this was an appellation, rather than a proper name of a part of the great Suevian or [Teutonic] race. - M.
Footnote 84: Mr. Wotton (History of Rome, p. 166) increases the [prohibition] to ten times the distance. His reasoning is [specious], but not conclusive. Five miles were sufficient for a fortified barrier.
Footnote 85: Dion, l. lxxi. and lxxii.
In the course of this introductory chapter, we have confined ourselves to the general outlines of the manners of Germany, without attempting to describe or to distinguish the various tribes which filled that great country in the time of [Caesar], of [Tacitus], or of [Ptolemy]. As the ancient, or as new tribes successively present themselves in the series of this history, we shall concisely mention their origin, their situation, and their particular character. Modern nations are fixed and permanent societies, connected among themselves by laws and [government], bound to their native soil by arts and agriculture. The German tribes were voluntary and fluctuating associations of soldiers, almost of savages. The same territory often changed its inhabitants in the tide of conquest and emigration. The same communities, uniting in a plan of defense or invasion, bestowed a new title on their new confederacy. The dissolution of an ancient [confederacy] restored to the independent tribes their peculiar but long-forgotten appellation. A victorious state often communicated its own name to a vanquished people. Sometimes crowds of volunteers flocked from all parts to the standard of a favorite leader; his camp became their country, and some circumstance of the enterprise soon gave a common denomination to the mixed multitude. The distinctions of the ferocious invaders were perpetually varied by themselves, and confounded by the astonished subjects of the Roman empire. 86
Footnote 86: See an excellent dissertation on the origin and migrations of nations, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. p. 48 - 71. It is seldom that the [antiquarian] and the philosopher are so happily blended.
Wars, and the administration of public affairs, are the principal subjects of history; but the number of persons interested in these busy scenes is very different, according to the different condition of [mankind]. In great monarchies, millions of obedient subjects pursue their useful occupations in peace and obscurity. The attention of the writer, as well as of the reader, is solely confined to a court, a [capital], a regular army, and the districts which happen to be the occasional scene of military operations. But a state of [freedom] and [barbarism], the season of civil commotions, or the situation of [petty] republics, 87 raises almost every member of the [community] into action, and consequently into notice. The irregular divisions, and the restless motions, of the people of [Germany], [dazzle] our [imagination], and seem to multiply their numbers. The profuse enumeration of kings, of warriors, of armies and nations, inclines us to forget that the same objects are continually repeated under a variety of appellations, and that the most splendid appellations have been frequently lavished on the most inconsiderable objects.
Footnote 87: Should we suspect that [Athens] contained only 21,000 citizens, and [Sparta] no more than 39,000? See Hume and Wallace on the number of mankind in ancient and modern times.

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To cite original text:

Gibbon, Edward, 1737-1794. The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 1st ed. (London : Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1776-1788.), pp. 234-241.